Another tester is being sued by Epic Games for leaking Fortnite Chapter 2Keywords Studio employee was fired day after leak, now faces claim for over $85,000 in damagesJames BatchelorEditor-in-ChiefWednesday 13th November 2019Share this article Recommend Tweet ShareCompanies in this articleEpic GamesKeywords StudiosEpic Games has taken more legal action against the people that revealed secrets of Fortnite Chapter 2 ahead of the game’s reset.The Canadian Press reports the company filed a claim in the Quebec Superior Court last month against Lucas Johnston, a game tester who worked in Keywords Studios’ Montreal branch.Court documents found by the publication claim Johnston took a screenshot of new content from the game while testing it on August 30. On September 12, this image appeared on an official user forum for Fortnite Competitions — over a month ahead of Fortnite Chapter 2’s launch on October 15.An internal investigation by Keywords Studios reported traced the origins of the image to Johnston, who was spotted taking the screenshot on security camera footage. He was fired on September 13.The court documents claims Johnston has admitted to taking the screenshot and emailing it to himself, but says he doesn’t know how it came to be posted on the forum. The investigation by Keywords found that the user who posted it had three friends in common with an account linked to Johnston’s email.Related JobsGerman speaking Player Support Agent Katowice (Poland) Keywords StudiosGerman Community Manager Remote, Poland Keywords StudiosSenior Game Designer – UE4 – AAA United Kingdom Amiqus GamesDiscover more jobs in games Epic Games claims the leak “deprived [us] of the element of surprise” for Chapter 2, as well as alerting competitors to its plans and affecting its reputation among peers.The company is claiming Johnston violated his non-disclosure agreement and wants unspecified damages of over $85,000.Last month it emerged Epic Games has also filed a lawsuit against another tester, Roland Sykes, who allegedly broke his NDA by leaking several details about Fortnite Chapter 2.Celebrating employer excellence in the video games industry8th July 2021Submit your company Sign up for The Daily Update and get the best of GamesIndustry.biz in your inbox. Enter your email addressMore storiesEpic vs Apple – Week One Review: Epic still faces an “uphill battle”Legal experts share their thoughts on the proceedings so far, and what to expect from the coming weekBy James Batchelor 9 hours agoEpic Games claims Fortnite is at “full penetration” on consoleAsserts that mobile with the biggest growth potential as it fights for restoration to iOS App StoreBy James Batchelor 13 hours agoLatest comments Sign in to contributeEmail addressPasswordSign in Need an account? Register now.
More from Horse Sport:Christilot Boylen Retires From Team SportAfter an exemplary career as one of Canada’s top Dressage riders, seven-time Olympian Christilot Boylen has announced her retirement from team competition.2020 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair CancelledFor only the second time in its history, The Royal Agricultural Winter Fair has been cancelled but plans are being made for some virtual competitions.Royal Agricultural Winter Fair Statement on 2020 EventAs the Province of Ontario starts to reopen, The Royal’s Board and staff will adhere to all recommendations put forward by government and health officials.Government Financial Assistance for Ontario FarmersOntario Equestrian has recently released this update of several financial assistance packages available, including those for farm business. Email* The big tour CSI 3* was won by Bassem Hassan Mohammed aboard Anyway II, owned by the QEF. Photo by Graham GannonFour classes launched the first day of FEI jumping competition at the CHI Al Shaqab in Doha, Qatar, on March 12th. Bob Ellis (GBR), who set the tracks for the 2012 London Olympics, is the course designer for this major show – the biggest of its kind to date in Asia.The hot, breezy afternoon began with the small tour CSI3* over a course in the enormous arena that allowed for lots of galloping lines. The big atmosphere rattled some horses and riders (all but one of the 29 entries were Qatari) during this two-phase power-and-speed competition. Twenty-year-old Saeed Nasser Al Qadi was the ultimate winner aboard St. Lucia, a 12-year-old grey Holsteiner mare he has been partnered with for a year. Al Qadi, who trains with Ian Kerr of Ireland at the nearby Qatar Equestrian Federation (QEF) riding club, described the course as a bit of an endurance test. “The course was a little bit long and it was hot, so the horses got tired at the end.”Al Qadi is no stranger to endurance, as he competed in that discipline until two years ago. “I started riding for fun, then rode twice a week and started to really like the horses,” he said. He was asked to join a young riders’ team for the QEF, but his goals are much bigger now. “Next year at this time we need to qualify for the Olympics, and that’s my goal,” stated Al Qadi. Qatar already has two riders qualified for the World Cup Final this April.A fantastic view of the outdoor arena at the CHI Al Shaqab in Doha, Qatar. Photo by Susan Stafford-PooleyThere are no sport horse breeding progams in place in Qatar, so all show jumpers are sourced elsewhere. “We don’t breed horses, because the weather is so hot and we don’t have green fields, so we just buy horses from outside,” said Al Qadi. ” If anyone wants to breed horses, they do it in Germany or England.”The big tour CSI 3* which followed was won by Bassem Hassan Mohammed aboard Anyway II, owned by the QEF. Bassem, who qualified for the 2013 FEI World Cup Final with Rosalia La Silla, finishing 31st, and is trained by Jan Tops.The small tour CSI5* class brought out some more familiar international names including François Mathy Jr., Nicola Philippaerts, Michael Whitaker, Edwina Tops-Alexander and Steve Guerdat, but it was Michel Hecart of France who best navigated the power-and-speed format class to win aboard Nokia de Brekka.“He’s a very brave horse and respectful of the obstacles. His only weakness is he is limited in how high he can jump,” said Hecart of the horse he has been campaigning for six years. “I compete in the Middle East because I like to be outdoors, and right now everything in Europe is indoors.” Although this was his first time in Qatar, he said, “The horses have been in the emirates before, so they are used to the heat.” While the stables are comfortably air conditioned, Hecart explained it is “not too strong – not a big shock when they come outside. It is also a benefit for recovery.”Michael Whitaker and Amai won the the big tour CSI5*. Photo by Graham GannonThe feature class of the night, the big tour CSI5*, was a last-to-go win for Michael Whitaker (GBR) and Amai. The 14-year-old BWP gelding has a good track record, winning at Aachen and a couple of World Cup qualifiers in the past. An injury in 2012 saw him sidelined for a time. When asked if having to wait for the entire field to go before him was stressful, Whitaker, 54, joked in typical form, “Not really, at my age. It’s just nice to sit down for a bit.”Qatar is rapidly coming into its own as a competitive show jumping nation. “We have three different teams: the Federation team, the army team and the police team,” explained Al Qadi. They all compete together, and although Al Qadi says many are mostly new to the sport, especially the army team which only started seven or eight years ago, they recently made a couple of monumental purchases of horseflesh. “They bought one of the best horses in the world,” said Al Qadi, referring to Palloubet d’Halong, a son of Baloubet who had previously been purchased by Jan Tops for a record 11,000,000 euros for his wife, Edwina Tops-Alexander, to ride. The gelding and his new rider, Ali Yousef Al Rumaihi, competed in the small tour CSI5* at this CHI, working out some bugs and placing eighth. In another coup, the mare Bella Donna was recently purchased from Marcus Beerbaum by the Qatari Armed Forces.Note: Classes are broadcast live online – go to http://chialshaqab.com/media/watch-live to view. Tags: Al Shaqab, Doha, Qatar, Horse Sport Enews We’ll send you our regular newsletter and include you in our monthly giveaways. PLUS, you’ll receive our exclusive Rider Fitness digital edition with 15 exercises for more effective riding. SIGN UP Subscribe to the Horse Sport newsletter and get an exclusive bonus digital edition!
On the surface, the recent blow-up of Bill Hwang’s $10 billion Archegos Capital Management hedge fund and three retail broker-dealers reaching settlements over sales of the shuttered LJM Preservation & Growth Fund couldn’t appear any more different — one is a hedge fund managing billions of dollars known for Hwang reportedly taking enormous single stock positions, and the other is an alternative mutual fund with $800 million in assets at its peak. But look again and the message is clear: At hedge funds and retail brokerage firms, risk is rewarded and even encouraged, while good compliance and perhaps common sense is in scant supply. The rule is, one bad broker making big bets or selling lousy or misunderstood products can damage or even ruin a firm. So, are firms — from hedge funds to retail broker-dealers — doing enough to keep those brokers and high-risk behaviors in check?Of course not.Wall Street, from investment banks to retail wealth management shops, right now is awash in cash from record market highs and unparalleled government stimulus. Such abundance will undoubtedly encourage even riskier behavior by some financial professionals. And three independent broker-dealers, Cambridge Investment Research Inc., Securities America Inc. and J.W. Cole Financial Inc., near the end of last month reached settlements with the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority Inc. that back up the professor’s claim. Each had one broker selling the clear majority of the LJM Preservation & Growth Fund, a mutual fund launched in 2013 and was aimed at a retail audience. The fund took bets on stock market swings and shut its doors in February 2018 in the wake of a spike in market volatility, according to a report from Reuters. Its assets dropped from $812 million to $14 million in a month, losing much of its value in a single day of trading. Cambridge Investment Research in February revealed in a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission it had been facing an investigation by Finra’s enforcement department into its “due diligence and supervision” related to the sale of the fund. Wall Street rewards high-risk behavior in its salespeople, be they deemed brokers, the old-fashioned term, or financial advisers, in the more commonly accepted contemporary tongue. To illustrate that point, look no further than the widely disparate cases of a hedge fund blowing up and brokers a few years back pumping sales of a risky alternative mutual fund. “Cambridge permitted the sale of LJM on its platform without conducting reasonable due diligence and without a sufficient understanding of its risks and features, including the fact that the fund pursued a risky strategy that relied, in part, on purchasing uncovered options,” according to Finra. “Cambridge also lacked a reasonable supervisory system to review representatives’ recommendations.” Finra made identical claims against Securities America and J.W. Cole, and each firm agreed to the settlement without admitting to the regulator’s findings. What’s buried in each of the settlements is that an individual broker was responsible for the clear majority of sales of the LJM fund. At Securities America, one broker sold all $616,000 worth of shares to 33 clients; at Cambridge, one broker accounted for more than 80% of the $18 million in sales. And at J.W. Cole, one broker was responsible for more than 60% of $1 million in LJM sales, which included customers with moderately conservative risk tolerance. And the firms have paid the price. Cambridge is paying a $400,000 fine and $3.1 million in restitution to clients, with Securities America agreeing to a $100,000 fine and $236,000 in restitution. J.W. Cole’s fine and restitution are, respectively, $50,000 fine, $164,000 in restitution. Spokespeople for each broker-dealer did not return calls to comment. Independent broker-dealers are notoriously thin-margin businesses, but they can’t afford to underspend on compliance and due diligence. The question that regulators at Finra and the SEC should be asking is: How did one broker at three distinct broker-dealers account for the lion’s share of sales for a high-risk product? But they won’t. Securities regulators notoriously fail to look forward at potential risk and prefer to gaze backward after a product blows up. The question that senior compliance executives at large broker-dealers should be asking is: Are we spending enough on technology and personnel to track complex trades and products? But they won’t. Many compliance executives are fearful of painting a target on their own backs by speaking up and making demands. “The level of damage that an agent or broker can do opportunistically is tremendous,” Edwards said. “Casinos are the same way. Imagine if a pit boss goes rogue.” Vanguard launches its first actively managed bond ETF “In the context of these types of firms, there really is enormous risk that these brokers can pose,” said Ben Edwards, associate professor of law at University Nevada, Las Vegas. “One of the risks for independent broker-dealer firms is that they are leaner on monitoring, which means they may face more risk from bad broker behavior.” Translation: IBDs operate on the cheap, particularly when it comes to compliance and supervision.
Preferred Qualifications Earned Doctorate in Counselor Education and Supervision from anaccredited CACREP program by date of hire – OR – meet CACREPcriteria for Core FacultyCollege teaching experience (can include college teaching as agraduate assistant)Research experience (can include experience as a researchassistant)Minimum of one year of experience in the field of SchoolCounseling or Clinical Mental Health Counseling, withbackground/experience in schools or mental health agencies (caninclude internship, externship, post- doctoral fellowship or otherrelated professional experiences in counseling)Licensed/certified or eligible for licensure/certification as aProfessional Counselor in Arizona and/or willing to seeklicensure/certification as a Guidance Counselor or ProfessionalCounselor in Arizona Reference letters should be sent under separate cover to EPSAdministrative Assistant Hope DeMello at, [email protected] each attachment with your last name, first name and thevacancy number, 605293.The committee may request additional information at a laterdate.If you need assistance completing your application there areinstructions available on the HR website or in person in the Human ResourcesDepartment located in Building 91 on the NAU Campus – on the cornerof Beaver and DuPont Streets.If you are an individual with a disability and need reasonableaccommodation to participate in the hiring process please contactthe Office of Equity and Access at: 928-523-3312/TDD – 928-523-1006or PO Box 4083, Flagstaff AZ 86011.FLSA StatusThis position is exempt from the overtime provisions of the FairLabor Standards Act (FLSA) and therefore will not earn overtime orcompensatory time for additional time worked.Equal Employment OpportunityNorthern Arizona University is a committed EqualOpportunity/Affirmative Action Institution. Women, minorities,veterans and individuals with disabilities are encouraged to apply.NAU is responsive to the needs of dual career couples.EEO is the Law Poster and SupplementsNAU is an Employer of National Service. AmeriCorps, Peace Corps,and other National Service alumni are encouraged to apply. General InformationNorthern Arizona University has a student population of 31,073,including approximately 23,000 on its main campus in Flagstaff andthe remainder at more than 20 locations statewide and online.Committed to a diverse and civil working and learning environment,NAU has earned a solid reputation as a university with all thefeatures of a large institution but with a personal touch, with afaculty and staff dedicated to each student’s success. All facultymembers are expected to promote student learning and help studentsachieve academic outcomes.While our emphasis is undergraduate education, we offer a widerange of graduate programs and research. Our institution hascarefully integrated on-campus education with distance learning,forming seamless avenues for students to earn degrees.Flagstaff has a population of about 70,000, rich in culturaldiversity. Located at the base of the majestic San Francisco Peaks,Flagstaff is 140 miles north of Phoenix at intersection ofInterstate 17 and Interstate 40.With its elevation of 7,000 feet and four-season climate, Flagstaffis ideal for year-round outdoor activities. Nearby attractionsinclude the Grand Canyon, Lowell Observatory, Oak Creek Canyon,Sedona, Monument Valley, Sunset Crater, Meteor Crater, and ArizonaSnowbowl.The university is committed to a diverse and civil working andlearning environment. For information about diversity, access andequity at NAU, see the Center for University Access and Inclusionwebpage .Background InformationThis position has been identified as a safety/security sensitiveposition. Therefore, per AZ Revised Statute, Northern ArizonaUniversity requires satisfactory results for the following: acriminal background investigation, employment historyinvestigation, degree verification (in some cases) andfingerprinting.If you are applying for a job that requires a CDL, you will berequired to register with the Federal Motor Carrier SafetyAdministration Drug & Alcohol Clearinghouse and adhere to theclearinghouse requirements.Additionally, as an employer in the state of Arizona, NAU isrequired to participate in the federal E-Verify program thatassists employers with verifying new employees’ right to work inthe United States.Finally, each year Northern Arizona University releases an Annual Security Report . The report is a result of a federallaw known as the Clery Act. The report includes Clery reportablecrime statistics for the three most recent completed calendar yearsand discloses procedures, practices and programs NAU uses to keepstudents and employees safe including how to report crimes or otheremergencies occurring on campus. In addition, the Fire Safety Report is combined with the Annual Security Reportfor the NAU Flagstaff Mountain Campus and NAU-Fort Defiance asthese campuses have on-campus student housing. This reportdiscloses fire safety policies and procedures related to on-campusstudent housing and statistics for fires that occurred in thosefacilities.If you would like a free paper copy of the report, please contactthe NAUPD Records Department at (928) 523-8884 or by visiting thedepartment at 525 E. Pine Knoll Drive in Flagstaff.Salary$62,000 – $64,000 – Salary commensurate with experience andqualifications.BenefitsThis is a Faculty (FAC) position. NAU offers an excellent benefitpackage including generous health, dental and vision insurance;participation in the Arizona State Retirement System (ASRS) or theOptional Retirement Program (ORP); sick leave accruals and 10holidays per year; and tuition reduction for employees andqualified family members. More information on benefits at NAU isavailable at the NAU HRbenefits page .Faculty are hired on a contract basis, renewable according to termsof the Conditions of Faculty Service . Employees offered aposition will be eligible for state health plans (including NAU’sBCBS Plan). Employees will have 31 days from date of hire to enrollin benefits, and their benefits will then be effective the firstday of the pay period following their completed enrollment.If a new employee chooses the Arizona State Retirement System(ASRS) retirement option, participation in the ASRS Plan (and thelong-term disability coverage that accompanies it) will begin onthe first of the pay period following 183 days of employment. Newemployees who choose to participate in the Optional Retirement Plan(ORP; an alternative to the ASRS plan) will begin to participate onthe first day of employment. The long-term disability plan thataccompanies the ORP will begin on the first day of the pay periodfollowing 90 days of employment. More information about NAUbenefits is available at the NAU HRbenefits page .Submission DeadlineThis vacancy will be open until filled or closed. Review ofapplications will begin on April 16, 2021.How to ApplyTo apply for this position, please click on the “Apply” button atthe end of the job description if viewing this position through theNAU HR website. Otherwise, to view the original post and to apply,proceed to nau.jobs, follow the ‘Faculty and Administrator Openings’ link, locatevacancy 605293 and then “Apply” at the bottom of thepage.Please attach to your application: Three or more years of relevant graduate level teachingexperience in the area of counseling and/or counselor education,including, but not limited to; foundations and practices of SchoolCounseling, theories of counseling, multicultural counseling,supervising practicum and internships, and counselingprocessesEvidence of strong scholarly productivity and the potential forfuture independent and collaborative scholarship to maintain anactive research agendaRecord of success in seeking, securing, and managing grantsupport for research projectsExperience in a leadership role in a graduate-level program(for SC Lead Faculty position)Experience in supervising practicum and internships,multicultural counseling, counseling theories, and counselingprocessesAbility/experience or strong interest in recruiting, advising,and mentoring graduate studentsAbility/experience working with graduate students on researchprojects, presentations, and publicationsAbility or strong interest in working with distancetechnologies, such as web-based instructionDemonstrated strong interpersonal skills and ability to workeffectively with department chairs, other programdirectors/coordinators, faculty, staff, students, and associatedmembers of the professional communityAbility to work effectively with people from a variety ofculturally diverse backgrounds, including rural and southwestpopulationsEvidence of a strong counseling professional identity, and anactive involvement or leadership roles in counseling relatedprofessional associations, including Chi Sigma IotaExperience in networking/collaborating with schools and/oragencies a cover letter highlighting your interest in and particularqualifications for this position;a curriculum vitae;copies of transcripts (originals will be required of thesuccessful applicant);diversity statement;a statement of teaching philosophy;a statement of research interestssample syllabi and teaching evaluations from one or two collegecourses;research/scholarly artifacts; andnames and contact information for three references. Minimum Qualifications Serve as Lead Faculty in the MEd Counseling – School Counselingprogram in Flagstaff, Arizona – working collaboratively with EPSCACREP Program Coordinators in Phoenix and Tucson, AZTeach graduate counseling classes (including practicum andinternship) for the EPS programs, focusing on the CACREP accreditedMEd Counseling – School Counseling and MA Clinical Mental HealthCounseling programs, with a focus on School Counseling. Possiblecourse assignments include, but are not limited to: Psychopathologyand Diagnosis, Crisis, Trauma and Disaster Counseling; CounselingProcesses; Group Processes; Multicultural Counseling; Marital andFamily Systems; Practices of School Counseling; Child andAdolescent CounselingTeach in-person, with some blended or online courses tostudents in Flagstaff and to extended campus sitesMaintain an active, independent and collaborative researchagendaPrepare and manage external grant proposals/programsAssist in recruiting and advising counseling studentsDirect graduate student research and serve on dissertationcommitteesFulfill service responsibilities to the department, college,university, and the professionWork collaboratively with schools and agencies to coordinatepracticum and internship experiences for counseling students Workplace CultureNAU is a community devoted to student success and sustained by anunshakable commitment to our shared mission, vision, and values.We—faculty, staff, and administrators—thrive by combining ourefforts and working side by side to further NAU’s culture ofexcellence. Department of Educational Psychology .The Department of Educational Psychology (EPS) is seeking to fillan Assistant Professor, School Counseling – Clinical MentalHealth Counseling position at our Flagstaff Mountain campusbeginning in August 2021. The EPS Department seeks candidates whopossess innovative instructional methodology, expertise in researchand supervision, and diverse experiences and professionalproficiencies. Additional expectations include an active record orpromise of scholarly productivity, excellent at teaching diversestudents, and a commitment to procuring external funding. Theposition is a 9-month tenure-track faculty line that has theopportunity for summer course teaching. Candidates need to presentan active record or promise of scholarly productivity. Eventualtenure with promotion to Associate and Full Professor ranks arepart of this tenure-track trajectory.Responsibilities:
* Do you have a high school diploma or equivalent?YesNo Position DetailsRequisition NumberS759PHome Org NameClinical SciencesDivision NameCollege of Veterinary MedicinePosition TitleAssistant/Tech/Specialist I/II/III, Veterinary (Equine)Job Class CodeIC12 (A-C)Appointment StatusFull-timePart-time FTELimited TermNoLimited Term LengthJob SummaryThis position is Monday – Friday 8:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. Someflexibility will be required as schedule may involve working beyond5:00 p.m., some weekends, and/or holidays.The individual in this position will performs various animal healthcare duties and medical tests for the care and treatment ofanimals.Essential FunctionsThe individual selected for this position will work directly withthe Equine Internal Medicine service.Organizes, cleans, stocks, and prepares treatment rooms forexamination of animals, and holds or restrains animals duringexamination, treatment, or inoculation.Administers injections, anesthesia, serums, vaccines, andtreatments to animals, including tasks such as dressing wounds,cleaning teeth, and taking vital signs of animals under thedirection of a veterinarian.Performs laboratory tests to assist in the diagnosis and treatmentof animal health problems.Cares for and monitors the condition of animals before, during,and/or after surgery.Collects, prepares, and labels samples for laboratory testing andassists with research projects.Performs emergency first aid, such as emergency resuscitation orother life saving procedures.Assists with student instruction programs through preparation ofmaterials, observing, monitoring and/or grading tasks, andpresenting orientation and procedures briefings.May triage phone calls from referring veterinarians/clients as wellas schedule appointments for diagnostic procedures under thedirection of a veterinarianMay fill prescriptions, measure medications, and labelcontainers.May be responsible for training, assisting or assigning tasks toothers. May provide input to performance reviews of otheremployeesEducation LevelAssociates degreeField of StudyAssociates degree in Veterinary Technology or a related field thatqualifies an individual to obtain national certification. Indicatededucation is required; no substitutions allowed.Years of ExperienceNo experience for entry levelArea of ExperienceExperience in Veterinary Technology or in the care and comfort ofanimalsRequirements for Additional Job LevelsDepending on the combination of education and experience, selectedcandidates may be hired as an Veterinary Assistant, Technician, orSpecialist, and assigned Levels I, II or III .Consideration for entry-level Veterinary Assistant requires:1. High school diploma or equivalent for Level I, and two (2) yearsof experience for Level II, or four (4) years of experience forLevel III, including at least two (2) years at the preceding levelor equivalent.Salary range: determined by eligibility for Level I, II, IIIConsideration for entry-level Veterinary Technician requires:1. Associate’s degree in a technical or scientific field related tothe area of assignment. Level II requires Associate’s degree plustwo (2) years of experience. Level III requires Associate’s degreeplus four (4) years of experience, with at least two (2) years atthe preceding level or equivalent.2. Active license with the Alabama State Board of VeterinaryMedicine as a Veterinary Technician, have met all requirements tobecome licensed, or have passed the Veterinary Technician NationalExam ( VTNE ). Veterinary Technician certification or license mustbe obtained within 6 months of employment.Salary range: determined by eligibility for Level I, II orIIIConsideration for entry-level Veterinary Specialist requires:1. Associate’s degree in a technical or scientific field related toarea of assignment plus three (3) years of experience. Level IIrequires an Associates degree plus four (4) years of experience,with at least one (1) year at the preceding level or equivalent.Level III requires an Associate’s degree plus six (6) years ofexperience with at least two (2) years at the preceding level orequivalent.2. Active license with the Alabama State Board of VeterinaryMedicine as a Veterinary Technician Veterinary TechnicianCertification having passed the Veterinary Technician National Exam( VTNE ); Veterinary Technician Specialist in Emergency andCritical Care ~ VTS ( ECC ) as designated by Academy of VeterinaryEmergency & Critical Care Technicians ( AVECCT ).Salary range: determined by eligibility for Level I, II, orIIIEducation LevelField of StudyYears of ExperienceArea of ExperienceRequirements for Additional Job LevelsMinimum Skills and AbilitiesMinimum Technology SkillsMinimum License and CertificationsActive license with the Alabama State Board of Veterinary Medicineas a Veterinary Technician, have met all requirements to becomelicensed, or have passed the Veterinary Technician National Exam (VTNE ). Veterinary Technician certification or license must beobtained within 6 months of employment.Possess a valid driver’s license or the ability to obtain one priorto employment.Desired QualificationsExperience working with horses, and the ability to drive a truckand/or tractor are strongly desired.Salary Grade29Salary Range$25,000 – $52,100Job CategoryAgricultural/Veterinary MedicineWorking Hours if Non-TraditionalList any hazardous conditions or physical demands required bythis positionPosting Date04/22/2021Closing DateEEO StatementA commitment to an inclusive and diverse campus environment isrequired.Women, underrepresented groups, individuals with disabilities andveterans are encouraged to apply.AUBURN UNIVERSITY IS AN AFFIRMATIVE ACTION / EQUAL OPPORTUNITYEMPLOYER . It is our policy to provide equal employmentopportunities for all individuals without regard to race, sex,religion, color, national origin, age, disability, protectedveteran status, genetic information, sexual orientation, genderidentity, or any other classification protected by applicablelaw.Special Instructions to ApplicantsQuick Link for Internal Postingshttps://www.auemployment.com/postings/22374Documents Needed to ApplyRequired DocumentsResumeOptional DocumentsCover LetterTranscriptsOtherOther DocumentationSupplemental QuestionsRequired fields are indicated with an asterisk (*). * Please select the answer that best describes your currentemployment relationship with Auburn University.Not a current Auburn employeeCurrent Auburn employee in position less than one yearCurrent Auburn employee in position more than one year * How were you made aware of this opportunity?AU Employment websiteEmployment websites (Indeed, HigherEd Jobs, etc.)Veterans Assistance ServicesDisability Assistance ServicesNewspaperProfessional JournalListservHR emailSocial MediaState Employment ServiceWalk-inOther * Do you have a valid driver’s license or the ability to obtainone prior to selection?YesNo
good bye Valcea …..WELCOME VARDAR! me 1. May 2013. at 15:51 ShareTweetShareShareEmail Jakob Vestergaard leaves Oltchim at end of season And please shup up Macedonian, 2nd tier players are going to Vardar. They are still solid, but not Bulatovic, Neagu, Barbosa, etc. You get Lekic and other rejects. Stanca, Manea, Bulatovic, Jovanovic, Pineau and Vestergaard left. The will stay. Barbosa just signed a new contract. We still have Neagu and Romanian talent in the league. You will discover again new players in Valcea! Jovanovic and Pineau were dealing with injuries, Stanca was old. The only big departures were Bulatovic, Manea and Danish coach Vestergaard. Bulatovic will get 17k per month in Gyor, financially she ruins any team. For Manea we can have top replacements in Liga Nationala: Chintoan, Pintea or Tatar. I wonder who will be our next trainer. 10 Comments Related Items:Oltchim Valcea Zoli 17. April 2013. at 13:32 me 1. May 2013. at 15:44 come on Oltchim! BrigadaZavoi 20. April 2013. at 18:51 Gábor Elek, coach of FTC, denies both… me 1. May 2013. at 15:52 Valcea (C.S OLTCHIM RM.Valcea)= NO Dead ! Recommended for you like an expression,the bird drems corn or any food but olchim became even stronger,,,,, haha Huge metal fan 22. April 2013. at 08:24 BrigadaZavoiAre you saying Valcea is undead? Women’s EHF CL: Gyori the first favorite for trophy! van 7. May 2013. at 22:00 ShareTweetShareShareEmailCommentsAfter defeat at the Women’s EHF Champions League semi-final against Hungarian Gyor ETO, it seems that dark future is ahead of Romanian champion Oltchim Valcea. Deep financial crisis forced most of the TOP players to leave the one of the most serious women’s handball teams in the last decade. French star Allison Pineau left Romania and back home to France after end of EHF Champions League battle. Marija Jovanovic signed already contract with Russian Astrahanocka, while experienced goalkeeper Paula Ungureanu will join Hungarian team FTC.Oana Manea is close to Slovenian Krim Mercator and Alexandrina Barbosa is connected with ZRK Vardar SCBT.Katarina Bulatovic is between Gyor and Vardar. She denies deal with any team for now.Tough months are ahead of Romanian champion… Ardean-Elisei was not playing at Valcea anymore anyway. One more thing, Ungureanu might have discussed with FTC but she is currently negotiating another contract here alongside: Neagu, Bradeanu, Farcau and Navarro. Hope they all sign. Barbosa, Managarova, Curea, Nechita and Meirosu renewed. Huge metal fan 17. April 2013. at 10:21 Leave a Reply Cancel replyYour email address will not be published.Comment Name Email Website Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. 10 Comments macedonia 17. April 2013. at 15:49 rough 19. April 2013. at 12:06 Ardelan-Elisei as well on the way to FTC.Good Bye Valcea “SUPERCUP WAS A LACK OF TIME? Valcea – CSM Bucharest 2:0
16.12.16 15:45Germany vs Romania ShareTweetShareShareEmailComments World and European champions, Norway, Olympic vice-champions France, World’s runners-up Dutch girls and Denmark, who haven’t medal since World Championship 2013 will decide about the medals at Women’s EHF EURO 2016.Here is schedule for semi-final day:Placement Match (5/6) – Gothenburg, Scandinavium Semi-finals – Gothenburg, Scandinavium Click to comment ShareTweetShareShareEmail Related Items: 18:15Netherlands vs Denmark20:45 France vs Norway Leave a Reply Cancel replyYour email address will not be published.Comment Name Email Website Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment.
Last but not least, even if the Fed had better understood the risks, it would not have been easy for it to avert the crisis on its own. The effectiveness of interest-rate policy is limited, and many of the deepest problems were on the regulatory side.When the obvious is boldAnd calibrating a response was not easy. By late 2007, for example, the Fed and the US Treasury had most likely already seen at least one report arguing that only massive intervention to support sub-prime loans could forestall a catastrophe. The idea was to save the financial system from having to deal with safely dismantling the impossibly complex contractual edifices – which did not allow for the possibility of systemic collapse – that it had constructed.Such a bail-out would have cost an estimated $500 billion (€370bn) or more, and the main beneficiaries would have included big financial firms. Was there any realistic chance that such a measure would have passed Congress before there was blood in the streets?Indeed, it was precisely this logic that led me to give a very dark forecast in a widely covered speech in Singapore on 19 August 2008, a month before Lehman Brothers failed. I argued that things would not get better until they got much worse, and that the collapse of one of the world’s largest financial firms was imminent. My argument rested on my view that the global economy was entering a major recession, and I had the benefit of my quantitative work, with Carmen Reinhart, on the history of financial crises.I was not trying to be sensational in Singapore. I thought that what I was saying was completely obvious. Nevertheless, my prediction gained bold front-page headlines in many major newspapers throughout the world. It gained headlines, evidently, because it was still far from a consensus view, although concerns were mounting. A litany of failingsThe Fed was hardly alone. In August 2007, few market participants, even those with access to mountains of information and a broad range of expert opinions, had a real clue as to what was going on. Certainly the US Congress was clueless; its members were still busy lobbying for the government-backed housing-mortgage agencies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, thereby digging the hole deeper.Nor did the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have a shining moment. In April 2007, the IMF released its famous ‘Valentine’s Day’ World Economic Outlook, in which it declared that all of the problems in the United States and other advanced economies that it had been worrying about were overblown.Moreover, it is misleading to single out the most misguided comments by individual governors in the context of an active intellectual debate over policy. It is legitimate to criticise individual policymakers who exercised poor judgment, and they should have a mark on their record. But that does not impugn the whole FOMC, much less the entire institution.Central banks’ state-of-the-art macroeconomic models also failed miserably – to a degree that the economics profession has only now begun to acknowledge fully. Although the Fed assesses many approaches and indicators in making its decisions, there is no doubt that it was heavily influenced by mainstream academic thinking – including the so-called real business-cycle models and New Keynesian models – which assumed that financial markets operate flawlessly. Indeed, the economics profession and the world’s major central banks advertised the idea of the ‘great moderation’ – the muting of macroeconomic volatility, owing partly to monetary authorities’ supposedly more scientific, model-based approach to policymaking.We now know that canonical macroeconomic models do not adequately allow for financial-market fragilities, and that fixing the models while retaining their tractability is a formidable task. Frankly, had the models at least allowed for the possibility of credit-market imperfections, the Fed might have paid more attention to credit-market indicators as a reflection of overall financial-market conditions, as central banks in emerging-market countries do. Were concerns mounting at the Fed as well in the summer of 2008? We will have to wait until next year to find out. But, when we do, let us remember that hindsight is 20-20.Kenneth Rogoff, a former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, is professor of economics and public policy at Harvard University. © Project Syndicate, 2013. Critics of the US Federal Reserve are having a field day with embarrassing revelations of its risk assessments on the eve of the financial crisis. By law, the Fed is required to publish the transcripts of its Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meetings with a five-year lag. While the full-blown crisis did not erupt until the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008, it was clear by the summer of 2007 that something was very wrong in credit markets, which were starting to behave in all sorts of strange ways. Yet many Fed officials clearly failed to recognise the significance of what was unfolding. One governor opined that the Fed should regard it as a good thing that markets were starting to worry about sub-prime mortgages. Another argued that the summertime market stress would most likely be a hiccup.Various critics are seizing on such statements as evidence that the Fed is incompetent, and that its independence should be curtailed, or worse. This is nonsense. Yes, things could and should have been done better; but to single out Fed governors for missing the coming catastrophe is ludicrous.
Pollsters privately insist nothing much has changed. The fundamentals remain stacked in the prime minister’s favor, they say. For Leave to win, support for Brexit needs to be 10 points further ahead, comfortably topping 50 percent in the polls.But Vote Leave, the official campaign for Brexit, smell blood. They are convinced of victory. Here are the 10 steps that would get them there:1. Discipline breaks downConventional wisdom has been turned on its head. The Remain campaign was supposed to be united and on message, while Brexiteers squabbled. No longer.Seeds of division were planted by Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn’s failure to stick to the script, his own MPs believe. Attacking the government’s so-called “project fear,” the Labour leader promised to kill the EU’s free trade deal with the U.S. and ensure Brussels became more interventionist on social policy under his leadership.Remain’s message discipline further frayed live on air last Thursday, as economic warnings were lost in a co-ordinated blizzard of calls to “take back control” from the line-up of Leave campaigners led by former London mayor Boris Johnson.Cabinet minister Amber Rudd attempted to regain the initiative by hurling insults at Johnson, winning headlines, but undermining her ally and Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon’s attempt to set out the “positive case.” LONDON — David Cameron was supposed to be cruising to victory. A blizzard of dire economic warnings from across the world had effectively settled the question. The Leave campaign had lost the economic argument and could do nothing but raise fears about immigration.Or so many pundits thought.There is a growing sense of panic among pro-Remain MPs. Something isn’t right. Labour has been spooked by a surge in support for Brexit in its heartlands. Outside London, England does not feel like a country convinced by Remain. Without Labour voters, Cameron cannot hope to carry the country.5. TV debatesOne bad debate does not a Brexit make, but Cameron cannot afford a pattern to emerge.The prime minister emerged relatively unscathed from his first TV interrogation June 2 on Sky, primarily because hardly anyone bothered to watch with England playing Portugal on the other channel. His TV scuffle with Nigel Farage a few days later, watched by 4 million people, went well but did not move the dial.Then came the beating for Remain on Thursday when a co-ordinated assault from the three Brexit MPs saw Boris & Co. emerge triumphant.Downing Street will take solace in paltry viewing figures for the two-hour debate, with just 3 million tuning in — 1 million fewer than a DIY programme on the BBC that night.But if the public did not notice, Westminster and Fleet Street certainly did. A strong performance from Michael Gove in front of a BBC audience on Wednesday could give Leave momentum going into the final week. Cameron will need a strong showing on June 19 when it’s his turn to face questions. With less than two weeks until polling day, losing control of the message is a bad omen for Remain.2. England energizedVote Leave has produced a series of electoral maps which, if made public, would send shivers through Downing Street.Using computer bots to trawl past voting data, the campaign has broken down, postcode by postcode, expected turnout and Euroskepticism in each area of the country.The magnetic power of the status quo, pulling voters back from the brink, is far less powerful than in previous referendums such as in Quebec or Scotland.From the data, the campaign has produced two key maps showing the battleground areas. One shows strongly pro-EU postcodes with historically high turnouts, the other Euroskeptic areas with strong voting records.The two maps are immediately striking. The pro-EU map has big blue circles in just two areas — inner London and Scotland. The Brexit map, by contrast, is covered in blue everywhere in England outside the capital and Labour’s northern heartlands. 6. NewspapersIt might not seem so in Brussels, but British newspapers are not uniformly hostile to the EU.The left-wing Mirror tabloid has a working-class readership, of which around half will vote to leave, but the paper itself is pro-EU. The mass-market Daily Record in Scotland is also for Remain, along with the Guardian and Financial Times.A resentful nation toying with Brexit could be pushed over the edge by a humiliating defeat to a team of footballing minnows from central Europe.Nevertheless, most of the biggest circulation London newspapers are fiercely anti-EU. The Daily Mail, Daily Telegraph and Sun have been relentlessly hostile to Number 10 throughout the campaign and are likely to remain so until polling day.Whether or not they officially campaign for Brexit, the die has been cast.And while newspapers do not have the power they once had, almost 4 million people a day still read the three main anti-EU newspapers. Their influence cannot be dismissed. The migrant crisis may also rear its head. Recent revelations about boatloads of Albanians attempting to cross the Channel to reach the U.K. coincided with a spike in support for leaving, Leave insiders say.A major incident in the final few days of the campaign and all bets are off. Also On POLITICO ‘I’ll pull UK out of the single market after Brexit’ By Tom McTague Vote Leave believe England’s southern Brexit belt holds the key to victory. If the South turns out and working class northerners stay home, Britain could be heading out of the EU.3. The Brexit ‘double differential’Number 10 consistently stress how important turnout will be, with Cameron publicly warning younger voters not to let their grandparents drag them out of Europe by failing to show up on June 23.Pollsters are cynical about the prime minister’s warning, insisting that in reality neither side has much of a demographic advantage. It is true that Brexit is boosted by its support among the elderly, who are more likely to vote than the young. But Remain is equally helped by support among the educated and wealthy, who are also more likely to turnout.Vote Leave believes it has two key advantages which have been overlooked: geography and enthusiasm. Support for remaining in the EU is higher in Labour’s inner cities where turnout is historically much lower than in wealthier Tory areas. This gives Brexit an in-built advantage in a nationwide referendum where the contest is a simple race for the most votes.The second boon for Brexit is that voters who want out are far more passionate than those who want to remain. Internal polling from Vote Leave has confirmed there is no love for the EU even among those who want to stay.This means the magnetic power of the status quo, pulling voters back from the brink, is far less powerful than in previous referendums such as in Quebec or Scotland. 7. FootballOn Monday June 20, barely 36 hours before polls open on Thursday morning, England play their final group game in the European Championships against Slovakia.After crashing out of the World Cup at the same stage two years ago, Number 10 will be praying history doesn’t repeat itself. A resentful nation toying with Brexit could be pushed over the edge by a humiliating defeat to a team of footballing minnows from central Europe.This scenario is not without precedent. In 1987, the unpopular Labour government in New Zealand was unexpectedly re-elected after the country won the Rugby World Cup. Twelve years later the country threw out the government after a shock loss in the semifinal of another Rugby World Cup.The European Championships could also serve to dampen turnout, boosting Brexit, by dominating the airwaves during the debates.On Wednesday Michael Gove goes head to head with France vs. Albania, while four days later Cameron is up against the Switzerland vs. France group game decider.On the 21st, the day of the live Wembley BBC debate, most of Northern Ireland will be in the pub after playing Germany at 5 pm. One of the best games of the opening group stages, Croatia v Spain, will also be televized that night. 9. Brexit ground warVote Leave is planning a door-knocking Brexit blitz in the last few days before the vote which they believe will see them over the line.Having built their own software to target voters based on canvassing returns, the campaign plans a major ground operation between Monday and Thursday next week to get people to encourage their friends and family to turn out for Brexit.Vote Leave says all their data collection has been geared towards the final push. In total they plan to knock on three million doors in the last two days.This operation rests on the campaign’s fired-up army of volunteers. Downing Street will hope the plan is as unsuccessful as Labour’s infamous boast to hold “5 million conversations” in the run up to the last election, which failed to swing the result.10. The unknownsWhat happens if there is a terrorist attack? No one knows.Vote Leave say they observed a brief upswing in support for Brexit immediately after the Paris terror attacks. In 2004 the Spanish government was kicked out three days after Al Qaeda attacked the Madrid rail network. A similar attack during the European Championships could spark an equally volatile political reaction in the U.K. While the timing is not ideal, Number 10 is not stupid. On referendum day itself there are no football games at all.8. Lecturing elitesThe U.K. government is banned from using its bureaucratic power to pump out propaganda for the final month of the campaign but this does not stop “independent” international bodies doing it for them.Vote Leave’s data collection is geared towards final canvassing push. In total they plan to knock on three million doors in the last two days.Just days before the vote, the International Monetary Fund — part funded by the U.K. — will publish a report likely to warn about the dangers of Brexit. George Osborne won’t miss the opportunity to use an annual speech at Mansion House to ram home his warnings.Far from being concerned, Vote Leave are positively thrilled at the prospect. The Chancellor pictured in white tie speaking to a room full of bankers is not a major concern, they point out.And while Christine Lagarde may be respected among certain circles, to most people in the country she will come over as a wealthy French woman lecturing them on how to vote, Vote Leave believe. The lower the turnout the more advantage Vote Leave feels is has. Anything between 55-60 percent and Britain is heading for Brexit, they believe.4. Half-hearted LabourLabour is caught in a trap and doesn’t know what to do. Unlike the Tories, Labour MPs were relatively united in their support for EU membership. But then the party’s core voters started telling them something different.“We’re getting killed, it’s madness,” one senior Labour MP said. “We’re being asked to argue with our voters, telling them that they’re wrong about immigration and the EU. And then at the end we’re supposed to turn around and say vote Labour. It’s like putting up a sign saying vote UKIP.”British PM David Cameron, right, and Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn at the Palace of Westminster | Stefan Wermuth/WPA Pool via Getty ImagesThe problem reflects the irony at the heart of the Brexit debate: Wealthier voters tend to support the Euroskeptic Tories, but also favor British membership of the EU. Poorer voters want to leave, but support the pro-European Labour Party. UKIP is making hay from the confusion.Corbyn believes the answer is to support EU membership but criticize Brussels and call for reform to reflect voters concerns. Labour MPs are furious and claim he is simply undermining support for Remain.At a meeting of the shadow cabinet Tuesday last week Corbyn was forced to defend himself after open criticism from his team.
Before Donald Trump took the stage in Dallas on a June evening, a string of warm-up acts — mostly local politicians and conservative personalities — took their turns addressing the crowd. A local talk-radio host growled that if any of the other 16 Republican contenders would have been fine soldiers in the fight to advance the evangelical agenda, “then Donald Trump is an M1 Abrams tank in that ficolght.” The crowd whooped and cheered. Then came the last salvo before the Trump tank rolled onstage: a svelte young man dressed in a thin-lapelled suit with a pocket square, and a hairline receding to reveal a strong, luminous forehead. Please give a big Texas welcome, announced a voice in the darkness, to senior policy advisor to Donald Trump, Steve Miller!“How’s everybody in Texas doing today?” Miller said, grinning and flashing a peace sign as men in the crowd bellowed “Steeeeeve!” Miller has been warming up the crowd at pretty much every Trump rally since March, with fiery speeches full of conspiratorial populism delivered with a nearly immobile face. This time, he began with Hillary Clinton. “In recent days, I’m sure you’ve seen Hillary Clinton step up her attacks on Donald Trump,” he intoned, and then closed his eyes and nodded, savoring the crowd’s boos. “And you’ve seen all the usual special interests, all the special interests step up their attacks on Donald Trump, too. And the one thing, the one thing that aaalllll these groups have in common is that they run the show now, and they want to make sure they run the show forever.”The point, as Miller would lay it out in Dallas and has laid out countless times before, is that there is a vast conspiracy that blurs together all wings of the American political spectrum in its quest to keep the American masses down. “That’s what this all comes down to,” Miller said, picking up steam and poking the air with his index finger. “Everybody who stands against Donald Trump are the people who have been running the country into the ground, who have been controlling the levers of power. They’re the people who are responsible for our open borders, for our shrinking middle class, for our terrible trade deals.” His voice stiffly added decibels. “Everything that is wrong with this country today, the people who are opposed to Donald Trump are responsible for!” Miller is also in frequent touch with Sessions, and Rick Dearborn, Sessions’ chief of staff, moonlights as an advisor to the Trump campaign, helping it smooth out relationships with K Street and the Washington establishment. Dearborn is one of a couple point men whom Speaker Ryan’s staff contacts when they have questions about Trump policy. “I do a lot of interesting things when I’m on vacation,” Dearborn explains. “When I’m vacation, I do help when I can. But I don’t want that to be in the paper.”“Marco Rubio is, like, his biggest enemy,” says one Republican operative. “He just has this really vehement opposition to him.”Miller is no different. While he was still in Sessions’ office, he wasn’t just talking to Nunberg regularly; he was pursuing other Trump-related goals. He hectored people in the campaign to not only go after Jeb Bush, but to attack Rubio as well. “Marco Rubio is, like, his biggest enemy,” says one Republican operative. “He just has this really vehement opposition to him. Marco encompassed everything that’s wrong with Washington. It came from dealing with him in the Gang of 8 [immigration proposal].” (His first warm-up speech, ahead of the Florida primary, was all about the evils of Rubio.) Miller also used his Senate email to go after reporters who he felt were going easy on Rubio at Trump’s expense. He would then leak those stories of purported journalistic malfeasance to Breitbart.com, which would reliably launch them into the conservative mediasphere. Miller does not dispute this, saying, “It’s for facts against falsity.”Breitbart is Miller’s preferred media ally. “Every movement needs a dialogue,” Miller says. “Breitbart was a big part of that.” Miller worked tirelessly to make sure the dialogue kept going, and in the right direction. “When I first joined the staff, the first email I got was from him,” says one former Breitbart reporter. “It said something like, ‘Congratulations from everyone at Sessions’ office, we look forward to working with you.’” From that day on, the day’s first email would come from Miller, highlighting inaccuracies in other media outlets’ work or suggesting avenues for investigation. He worked primarily with two reporters at Breitbart, Caroline May and Julia Hahn, constantly feeding them scoops about the Disney workers’ plight, immigration numbers, and welfare fraud. He used to organize a weekly Friday happy hour for Sessions and Breitbart staffers at Union Pub, across the street from the Heritage Foundation. “They’re all really good friends,” says the former Breitbart reporter.Breitbart was also Sessions country long before it was Trump country. “Anything that Sessions sends out, Breitbart writes up immediately,” says the former Breitbart reporter. “There was no question whatsoever. They’d send out an email saying, ‘Anyone who has five minutes, can you write this up?’ I would do it sometimes because people were overloaded and it was just regurgitating a press release into a blog post.” The reporter added, “It was their way of repaying them” for the scoops. Now that Breitbart has also thrown in for Trump, the same happens for his press releases. “They’re all in the same boat together, Sessions, Trump, and Breitbart,” the reporter said. “There’s no other politician that Breitbart does that for. They go above and beyond.”“They’re all in the same boat together, Sessions, Trump, and Breitbart,” the reporter said. “There’s no other politician that Breitbart does that for. They go above and beyond.” Miller had always existed at the political margins, but Trump’s rise has allowed him to advance to the vanguard, and he clearly enjoys it. He grins at the podium, he savors the crowd’s reactions, even if they periodically boo him for not turning the stage over to Trump fast enough. “All the anger right underneath the surface just waiting to come through, about what I don’t know,” says a former staffer with the Republican leadership on the Hill. “I’ve seen the videos of him getting the crowd fired up. People that knew him when he was on the Hill, I don’t know how to describe the reactions people had to the videos of him. Maybe creeped out a little bit? Like, what’s going to happen when this guy gets the power?” He pauses as a thought dawns on him. “Oh my God,” he says. “He’s going to find out that I spoke with you and I’m going to end up in a camp somewhere.”***When I spoke to Miller, he was in New York, helping coordinate policy for the Republican convention and had just gotten off a call with Trump as he took off from Scotland. On the phone, he speaks with only slightly less bombast than on the stump. “I’m really, really cognizant of how blessed I am to even have the opportunity, and the burden of that never ceases to weigh on me,” he said when I asked him about his warm-up speeches. “I take the responsibility of it with the utmost seriousness. It is an extraordinary privilege. Getting a chance to see good, decent, patriotic people who just want to have self-determination is something for which I will be grateful for the rest of my life.” (He also made sure to stipulate, unprompted, that, “If anybody said anything really, really heinous about me, it’s not true.” When I laughed, he explained that he was serious. “I like to think of myself as a genuinely good person,” he explained.)Like a lot of things on the Trump campaign, it’s not really clear how this happened. One day ahead of the Florida primary, Miller was telling Trump all about his experience fighting Marco Rubio on immigration reform, Trump told him to take it to the media and the stage, and that was that. Miller was now the warm-up act, and spokeswoman Hope Hicks and erstwhile campaign manager Corey Lewandowski just had to deal with it.Miller, left, and Keith Schiller, chief of security for the Trump campaign, check the podium before the Republican presidential candidate speaks at the Trump SoHo Hotel in New York City | Drew Angerer/Getty ImagesBefore that, Miller was a senior policy advisor, an indeterminate title that sat him somewhere in the background with Sam Clovis, the walrus of a man who came up with the Trump economic program that the conservative Tax Foundation said would add $10 trillion to the U.S. deficit. Clovis and Miller churn out white papers for a boss that doesn’t seem to ever read them. Clovis occasionally goes on TV — “Either they want to get behind the presumptive nominee,” Clovis said of the GOP establishment on CNN, “if they can’t do that, then just shut the hell up” — but most of the time he’s back in his home state of Iowa.As senior policy advisor, Miller’s role is a series of paradoxes. But he shrewdly never made it clear where his loyalties lay, making sure to curry favor with both Lewandowski and campaign chair Paul Manafort, meaning neither knew what to do with him. He is often the face of the Trump campaign, warming up the crowds and throwing bombs in his name on television. He recently accused Neera Tanden, an outside advisor for the Clinton campaign, of being a fake feminist for not opposing Muslim immigration into the U.S. even though Muslims, according to Miller, bring with them female genital mutilation. “You want to talk about women’s issues?” he hectored. “Here’s something we should be talking about!” The 9/11 attacks hit when Miller was a junior at Santa Monica High School. The event shocked him to his core and left him feeling isolated in his patriotism, lost in a sea of peacenik liberalism. “During that dreadful time of national tragedy, anti-Americanism had spread all over the school like a rash,” he reminisced in a column called “How I Changed My Left-Wing High School.” “The co-principal broadcasted his doubts about the morality of the air strikes against the Taliban to the entire school via the PA system. One teacher even dragged the American flag across the floor as we were sending off brave young men to risk their lives for it.” Miller describes contacting conservative talk radio personality Larry Elder, and going on his show to complain about this school. Thus began a cycle that would repeat itself over and over in high school and college: Miller would clash with school administrators over a perceived leftist conspiracy—the school not saying the Pledge of Allegiance, say — then escalate the conflict by taking it to a conservative talk show, infuriating the administrators but yielding a compromise in Miller’s favor. After his appeal to Elder, for instance, the Pledge of Allegiance would now be said twice a week, though that was still not enough for Miller. “Policy dictates it should be said every day,” he wrote in a local paper.The pattern repeated itself often enough that Miller wore it as a badge of honor. “Stephen Miller, 17 years old, just graduated from Santa Monica High School,” the bio under his column read. “Since his Junior year in High School, he has been a guest on local and national radio over thirty times, primarily as an advocate for freedom in education.”These columns and complaints to conservative talk radio were his first foray into political activism, voicing and defending opinions that strongly resemble those he advocates today. In a column called “Political Correctness Out of Control,” he laid out a litany of complaints against his high school’s “liberal indoctrination.” “I noticed a number of students lacked basic English skills,” he wrote, and complained that the school making announcements in Spanish and English holds the Hispanic students back. He took issue with the school making condoms available — “Legally speaking, sex between minors is statutory rape. Not to mention 14-year olds are a little young to be having sex regardless of the law.” Worse, the school encouraged students to embrace their homosexuality. “And just in case your son or daughter decides at their tender age that they are gay, we have a club on campus that will gladly help foster their homosexuality,” he wrote. “Do they notify parents if their teenagers have chosen an alternate lifestyle? Of course not.” The way the school taught American history, focusing too much on the bad and not enough on the heroic, also insulted Miller’s patriotism. Should American soldiers have not killed Indians or anyone else? Miller asked, rhetorically. “Or, better yet, we could have lived with the Indians, learning how to finger paint and make tepees, excusing their scalping of frontiersmen as part of their culture,” Miller griped.Combine that with the pacifist response of the school to 9/11 and teachers’ critiques of the war in Afghanistan, and, Miller concluded, “Osama Bin Laden would feel very welcome at Santa Monica High School.”***At Duke, Miller’s provocations found a new and bigger audience. He got so involved in planning an elaborate 9/11 memorial — a sea of 2,997 flags, one for each victim, lit up by a lamp and guarded by a hired police officer; a choir singing the anthem; a screening of “Flight 93”; a speech from the Veterans of Foreign Wars — that he skipped his LSAT exam. He wrote a column for a conservative outlet in which he detailed his fight with the university for funding, which he admits he later received. He also invited David Horowitz, the Southern Californian arch-conservative and founder of Students for Academic Freedom, to speak on campus. Miller considers Horowitz a mentor; the older man veered from a radically leftist upbringing into radical conservatism, and over the years has used campus newspapers as a forum for his button-pushing crusades on racial issues and Islamic terrorism. Miller first met Horowitz as a teenager. He invited him to speak at Santa Monica High School, then claimed the school did not want authorize the event, then documented the injustice in Horowitz’s publication, FrontPage Magazine. When Miller felt Duke was not providing enough support for a Horowitz speaking engagement on campus, Miller told people Horowitz had been banned from speaking at Duke. The ban appalled conservatives, many of whom complained to university administrators — even though Horowitz had not been banned: Horowitz did speak and the event was carried live on CSPAN. Miller warmed up the crowd for him, wryly announcing the name of each department that didn’t contribute funds to the event. Trump had been coming under fire for his response to the Orlando shooting, and that night in Dallas Miller pivoted from whipping up fear and loathing to whipping up fear and loathing and then calling it love. As the crowd began to chant “Build the wall!” a grinning Miller explained. “We’re going build that wall high and we’re going to build it tall,” he said. “We’re going to build that wall, and we’re going to build it out of love. We’re going to build it out of love for every family who wants to raise their kids in safety and peace…. We’re building it out of love for America and Americans of all backgrounds.”Miller is 30 years old, and in some ways a quintessential member of the Trump 2016 menagerie: an obscure character suddenly elevated to a national role by dint of hard work, loyalty, and the boss’s favor. He’s often overshadowed by the campaign’s more flamboyant figures, even as he’s begun appearing on CNN and Fox to defend Trump and explain his policies in strikingly complete and adamant sentences. But among this roster of political outsiders, Miller stands out, especially for people who understand the new forces afoot in Republican politics. He’s deeply connected to some of the most powerful insurgent threads in the Washington GOP, most notably Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions and the Breitbart media machine. As an aide on Capitol Hill, he was a behind-the-scenes architect of the successful effort to kill comprehensive immigration reform in 2014. And while it’s hard to gauge how much Trump is amenable to influence by anyone — at least, by anyone that he didn’t beget — there is no question that Miller is deep, and serious, on the one question that most drives Donald Trump’s unlikely campaign.“When it comes to issues and messaging and policy, there isn’t anybody else that I’ve known that would be as valuable to a presidential campaign as he,”Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions told me. “Maybe other than Karl Rove.”Miller’s talent for combining operational zeal with the ability to effectively frame an idea into one devastating laser beam made him a prized Sessions lieutenant in Washington. “When it comes to issues and messaging and policy, there isn’t anybody else that I’ve known that would be as valuable to a presidential campaign as he,” Sessions told me. “Maybe other than Karl Rove.”But Miller also cuts a deeply unsettling figure, even to many in his own party. His nine-year career working for some of the most politically fringe figures on the Hill — he also worked for Michele Bachmann and helped David Brat in his primary defeat of Eric Cantor — was preceded by a trail of writings and provocations that go all the way back to high school, one that has raised the eyebrows of even conservative Republicans.There is something eerily vintage about Miller’s stump speeches. The combination of their substance — vilifying immigrants as killers, the promise of nativist glory days ahead — and their delivery with a calm face around a loud, droning mouth, slicked-back hair and sharp suit, floridly invoking powerful cabals against the people: All of it harks back to an earlier time. It’s as if the video should be in black and white, and the microphone in front of Miller an antique, metallic affair. This is an image Miller assiduously cultivates, smoking like a chimney and dressing in suits that earned him the nickname “Mad Men” on the Hill. “You almost want to put him in a previous era,” says Marcus Peacock, who worked with Miller on the Senate Budget Committee. Outside of the Sessions office, Miller became infamous. He spammed reporters’ inboxes with what they called “stream-of-consciousness press releases” at all hours. He called them up to deliver long and winding rants, though he was obsequiously gracious with the female reporters. “He was notorious for late Friday night diatribes,” says the former Senate leadership staffer. After Miller would send one out to his entire press list, the former staffer says, “I would get like half a dozen forwards with ‘FYI’ written on them. Like, just in case you wanted to read 10,000 words about the budget at six o’clock on a Friday.” Miller also seemed to come with a strange paper trail. “There were rumors that spread around that he wrote these columns at Duke that really walked a fine line on racial issues, to put it mildly,” the former staffer says. “I’ve stood in a lot of hallway huddles where the talk was, ‘My God, if you look at what he wrote in college …’”When Miller became communications chief in Sessions’ office at 28, he had a staff of three working for him and he was known as nurturing but exacting boss. “He was a tough person to work for, but fair,” says Peacock. “He expected a lot out of his staff.” There was yelling and the occasional expletive when he deemed the “work product” not up to snuff, and others have noted a paranoid volatility about Miller. “He goes from 0 to 100 with a snap of the fingers,” says the former leadership staffer. “He’s constantly seeing these conspiracies against him when someone’s probably just asking him a question.”Miller, during an interview for SiriusXM Broadcasts’ New Hampshire Primary coverage | Paul Marotta/ SiriusXM via Getty Images“He’s tenacious,” says Dearborn. “He’s like a dog with a bone.” Quickly correcting himself, Dearborn adds, “But not crazed, there’s always purpose to it … His manner is a little different.”As soon as Miller left for the Trump campaign, the Sessions office mysteriously stopped sending out stream-of-consciousness press alerts. “I left the office so quickly,” Miller laments. “I wanted to put to put together a little book of the best emails I ever sent. I spent hours and hours of research on those.”Miller was crucial to Sessions on many controversial issues — the debt ceiling, the budget — but the thing he was most passionate about was immigration. “Stephen was very instrumental in helping [Sessions] articulate his beliefs on immigration,” says Peacock. “He’s not a hired gun. He has a good amount of this in his bones.” Miller was a true believer. “You don’t stay with someone for a long period of time on the Hill if you don’t share your world view,” says Dearborn. And Miller stayed on for nearly seven years.The resonance among Sessions, Miller, and Trump on immigration began in the Senator’s office. “I see some of the things he’s saying now are very similar to the proposals that members like Sessions, Vitter, and others made,” says Luke Bolar, who was communications director for Louisiana Senator David Vitter and worked with Miller on scuttling comprehensive immigration reform. “For instance, sanctuary cities, remittances.” Miller made contact with the family of Kate Steinle, the young woman who was gunned down in 2015 by an illegal immigrant in San Francisco, a sanctuary city. He brought her father Jim to testify in the Senate as it considered a bill on ending the sanctuary city designation. Miller constantly invokes Steinle in his stump speeches and his television appearances as evidence of the clear and present danger posed by unchecked immigration. (Steinle’s brother, however, recently slammed the Trump campaign for using Kate’s death to score political points.) Miller was also instrumental in forming relationships with the National Border Patrol Council and Leo Perrero, a laid-off Disney worker who was forced to train his foreign replacement and who has since become an advocate against corporate H1B visa abuse. Both the Council and Perrero were invited by the Sessions office to testify in the Senate. And after Miller joined the campaign, both of them endorsed Trump. Miller’s talent for combining operational zeal with the ability to effectively frame an idea into one devastating laser beam made him a prized Sessions lieutenant. “When it comes to issues and messaging and policy, there isn’t anybody else that I’ve known that would be as valuable to a presidential campaign as he,” Sessions told me. “Maybe other than Karl Rove.”***“I’M IN HEAVEN!” Ann Coulter tweeted when it was announced in late January that Trump had hired Miller, whom Coulter called “Sessions’ brain trust.” The hire, Coulter felt, offered a sign that Trump was “not backing down on immigration.”How did Stephen Miller come to occupy such an extreme position on immigration? Strangely, it was his experience coming of age in a liberal Jewish family in liberal Santa Monica, the Berkeley of southern California. “I think it was growing up in California, he saw the role that mass migration played turning a red state blue,” says one former Senate colleague. “He was fearful that that would happen to the rest of the country.”Miller was born into a family of lawyers and salesmen, two professions he never pursued but clearly has in him. His parents were Democrats, but Miller was pulled in a different direction early, converted to the conservative cause by a copy of NRA CEO Wayne LaPierre’s 1994 book, Guns, Crime, and Freedom, a blistering takedown of the arguments for gun control.Miller was an ardent, dewy-eyed patriot, which often led him to surprising conclusions. Shortly after graduating high school, Miller penned a column for a Christian publication called “My Dream for the End of Racism.” “The U.S. abolished slavery in 90 years, a time span far shorter than that of other nations, and indeed we acquired emancipation through our bloodiest, most gruesome war,” he wrote. “This no doubt due to the unique status of our beloved nation as being one founded on the principle of equality.” Miller, though, avers that he’s a true believer in the campaign. “I want it recorded for posterity,” he told me, “that I wake up in the morning certain in the knowledge that this is an opportunity that is not going to come again.”***A few days before Trump gave his Clinton Cash speech, Miller warmed up the crowd for him in Las Vegas. Standing at the podium with a bottle of Fiji water, Miller explained to the audience that this was a historic time. “Very rarely in history do people get the opportunity to vote for true, real, profound change,” he began, spinning the same themes he had used in our conversation. “I would venture to say this is an opportunity is not just a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. This is the kind of opportunity that comes once in many hundreds of years. And it’s important, it’s crucially important, that every morning we wake up, we’re cognizant of just how historic and how rare this opportunity is. ‘Cause folks, it’s not gonna come again.”Unlike Trump’s stump speeches, Miller’s speeches are actually speeches. Though he too speaks extemporaneously, Miller gives his warm-up routine a recognizable rhetorical and thematic skeleton: he alliterates, he alludes, he uses parallel structure. His warm-ups have an arc, but it’s one that stops at its apogee, leaving the crowd just hungry enough for the dénouement, for “the one man who can help us” to ride in and spitball.With time, Miller has grown more confident on the stump. His speeches have grown more elaborate. “We have been betrayed and let down by politicians year after year after year after year after year after year,” he went on, before launching into a call-and-response. “They say, oh, well, we’re going to secure the border. Do they ever get it secure, folks?”“I want it recorded for posterity,” Miller told me, “that I wake up in the morning certain in the knowledge that this is an opportunity that is not going to come again.” The outlet also faithfully reports nearly everything Miller says on television. Each appearance merits a separate article, with headlines like “Stephen Miller Exposes Faux-Feminism of CNN Panel with Facts About Muslim Migration and Open Borders.” “We track this very, very closely,” Bannon explained when I asked why Miller’s television appearances get written up. “Stephen Miller is a jewel. We try to get as many of his TV things as we can. Some of them have been epic.”The truth is, the influence goes both ways. As part of his warm-up act, Miller has taken to reading from Clinton Cash, the book on Clinton family corruption by Breitbart editor-at-large Peter Schweitzer. He holds up the book and reads passages from it, like a teacher reading to his really rambunctious kindergarten class. Other times he references it as proof that “Hillary Clinton is a career criminal, folks.” “All you have to do is read Clinton Cash,” he said at a recent rally. “Man, it’ll turn your hair white.” Sections of the book also found their way into Trump’s June speech attacking Clinton for her crookedness. “The book Clinton Cash, by Peter Schweitzer, documents how Bill and Hillary used the State Department to enrich their family at America’s expense,” Trump said in his June 22 speech. “She gets rich making you poor.” He then proceeded to quote directly from the book, just like Miller.“He talks to Bannon a lot,” the Republican operative says of Miller. “It’s no surprise that Stephen is reading from Clinton Cash. It’s no surprise that so many of Trump’s speeches are about Clinton Cash.”Horowitz, Miller’s old mentor, also continues to be a player in this universe. In a recent column for Breitbart, he called Bill Kristol a “renegade Jew.” He too has adamant views on immigration — because of new arrivals, “there are now epidemic diseases that we didn’t have before,” he told me — and he used to organize conservative retreats at which Sessions was a frequent attendee. One of Horowitz’s pet issues, inner-city poverty as an outgrowth of Democratic political control, made it into Sessions’ Senate agenda, and, more recently, into a Trump speech. “The Democrat Party has run the school boards and the police departments and the city councils and the mayor’s offices in most of our inner cities, almost all of our inner cities,” Trump said at the Faith and Freedom Conference in June. “They have horribly failed in almost every single community.”“I can’t tell you how many times I’ve talked to [RNC Chairman] Reince [Preibus] about this, to Republicans, till I’m blue in the face. It’s like banging my head against a wall,” Horowitz told me. “Trump is the first Republican politician that put it into his speeches.”Miller speaks at a campaign rally in Anaheim, California | Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty ImagesTrump has become the candidate of the nationalist right, the people who had previously orbited around Sessions and his hardcore views on immigration. “A lot of people are transposing their views onto Trump, hoping that he’ll be a vessel for those views,” says Carlson. But he is convinced that, deep down, Sessions “watches in horror as the themes are mangled and misarticulated. Trump is not an articulate spokesman for these ideas at all. His favorite topic is himself.” The better spokesman, in Carlson’s view, is Miller. “I’m convinced that if you found a candidate who could articulate those view half as eloquently as Stephen, he’d win. There’s a huge market for that.” The Duke lacrosse players were vindicated, and to this day Miller is still bursting with pride. “The thing that I’m proudest of is that I spoke out early and often on behalf of American legal principles in the Duke lacrosse case when it was not popular,” he told me. “I take great pride that, under enormous social and political pressure, I remained steadfast in my support for due process.” He showed his early television appearances to his Senate colleagues, and believes that he did as much as the lacrosse players’ lawyers in exonerating them.The name he made for himself in fighting the University establishment, through his column and in inviting Horowitz to speak, would later reap benefits. It was Horowitz who, in 2009, would recommend Miller to his old friend, Jeff Sessions.***In 2014, during the height of the immigration debate, Tucker Carlson was having some bad thoughts. “I was having all kinds of heretical thoughts,” Carlson, who founded the conservative news site The Daily Caller, recalls. “I was upset about the war in Iraq and income inequality. I don’t know how Miller knew I had those thoughts, they were just thoughts I had in the shower.” And yet, Miller sensed an ally and reached out to Carlson. “He called me up and said, ‘Why don’t you have breakfast with Sessions? I think you’d like him,’” Carlson says.He did, and Miller sat in on the meeting. But unlike most young staffers, Carlson recalls, “Miller felt totally free to pipe up and add his thoughts, in a notably self-confident way. I was impressed.” He came away liking both the men and convinced by their ideology, which Carlson described as “nationalist.” (When I asked him if today he too identifies as a nationalist, Carlson said, “of course.”) The Daily Caller quickly became one of Miller’s favorite outlets. He constantly called in tips and made himself available, and the Daily Caller ran stories on immigration and trade that showed Sessions and his agenda in a positive light.Miller was also spreading Sessions’ gospel on immigration and trade by courting other influential conservative voices — Ann Coulter, Laura Ingraham, Lou Dobbs, and Andrew Breitbart before his sudden death in 2012. When Breitbart launched his website, Miller organized a meeting for him with Congressional staffers. (Breitbart told Miller he’d first heard of him during the Duke lacrosse scandal.) “What’s the news?” he asked. I told him Lewandowski had just been let go. There was silence on the other end of the line.But Miller is not always on the Trump jet, and for a while Trump didn’t seem to know who he was. Sometimes he attends key policy meetings, like a recent meeting of top Trump lieutenants and a representative of the Koch brothers, and sometimes he is missing, like he was from a rare June meeting with Speaker Paul Ryan’s staff. And sometimes he is simply tasked with making sure the Uber gets where it needs to go. At first, the Trump campaign declined to make Miller available for the story, but when news broke that Lewandowski was fired, I texted Miller to ask whether this would change the campaign’s calculus of not letting me talk to him. Within a minute my phone rang. It was Miller.“What’s the news?” he asked.I told him Lewandowski had just been let go. There was silence on the other end of the line.“Interesting that you would be the one to tell me that,” he finally said, recovering the gravitas of his Serious Adult Voice. “Let me call you back. I have a lot to learn and discover in the next couple hours.”*** “The reality was that I was attending college on a campus where many professors had radical beliefs and engaged in outrageous behavior,” Miller says of his college years. His goal then was to be “a voice of justice and reason.” His microphone was a biweekly column in the Duke newspaper called “Miller Time,” one that would be whispered about in Senate hallways years later. He used the column and his position as the president of the Duke chapter of Horowitz’s Students for Academic Freedom to endorse students running for student government. He railed against Duke’s smoking ban and the “unrelenting health fascists” behind it. (Smoking, he concluded, has not been proven to be unhealthy. “Indeed, it is safer for college kids to smoke than to drive.”)But mostly he used the column as a lightning rod, a way to court angry reaction and put himself at the center of major campus controversies. He wrote that interacting with the population outside the campus was overrated. “Durham isn’t a petting zoo,” he chided. “The residents won’t get lonely or irritable if we don’t play with them.” He was a strong supporter of the war in Iraq and called Ted Kennedy a “traitor” for criticizing American use of torture. He went afterprofessors for being registered Democrats. He blamed 9/11 on “politically correct domestic security” and unenforced immigration laws. He wrote about black students’ racial “paranoia” and their mistaken understanding of where true racism resides. The problem is not rich, conservative white people, he wrote. It’s “Democrats [who] continue to fuel the destructive vision of a powerful, racist white oppressor from which they need to protect black voters in order to keep their lock on that vote.” He wrote that “worshipping at the altar of multiculturalism” undermines American culture and ignores the fact “we have shared with the world the cultural value of individualism and liberty, a value rooted in our unique and glorious history of settlers, pioneers and frontiersman [sic].” Although he identified himself as “a practicing Jew,” he lamented the “War on Christmas,” saying “you’d probably find more Christmas decorations at your local mosque.” Maya Angelou, in Miller’s mind, was “a leftist” full of “racial paranoia” who shouldn’t be allowed to give the opening address at the start of the school year. In a column called “Sorry, Feminists,” he wrote that the gender pay gap was actually due to women working fewer hours and choosing lower-paying professions. “Women already have equal rights in this country,” he wrote. “Sorry, feminists. Hate to break this good news to you.” (“It’s not chauvinism,” he signed off. “It’s chivalry.”)“I’ve stood in a lot of hallway huddles where the talk was, ‘My God, if you look at what he wrote in college …’”It wasn’t just controversy for controversy’s sake; Miller was building his personal brand. “He very much knew the impact of his work, and he planned and plotted,” says an alum of the Duke Chronicle who worked with Miller. “He was very businesslike about it.” The paper was constantly running angry rebuttals to Miller’s column, like after he defended former Bush education secretary William Bennett, who said that the crime rate would go down if more black babies were aborted. (“The [Black Student Alliance] should be ashamed of its public evisceration of William Bennett,” wrote Miller.) “People read him, everyone knew who he was,” the alum says. “When he broke china, he went to the so-and-so alliance and apologized. He was always in a scrape like that. It smacked of architecture, like he intentionally provoked people, and it worked for him because he was making a name for himself.” Added the alum, “He very much felt like he was contributing to the Collected Writings of Stephen Miller. I think in his own mind, this would be anthologized one day.”Miller told me the point of his columns was “defend the idea of America,” but John Burness, who handled Duke’s public relations and frequently clashed with Miller when he was a student there, put it another way. “Part of his standing out was he put a moral tone on every issue he touched on,” he told me. “If you did not agree with him, there was something immoral about you. He defined the term sanctimonious.”Miller studied political science, but the apogee of his college career was not academic. It was a PR coup: his public defense, in the pages of the Duke Chronicle and on national television, of the Duke Lacrosse players accused of rape by a black stripper. He penned several columns in their defense under titles like “Prejudice,” “Persecution,” and “Crawl to Justice.” He alleged there was indeed a racial motivation for the case: that of the radical left in going after white lacrosse players. “Being a white, male lacrosse player was all it took,” he wrote in one column. In another, titled “Racial Hypocrisy,” he wrote, “But when a black man was recently accused of raping a white Duke student at a party hosted by members of a black Duke fraternity, suddenly these great defenders of virtue fell silent.” He went on the O’Reilly Factor and the Nancy Grace Show to defend the lacrosse players, wearing a suit, a smirk, and a gold pinky ring. Even then, he was already a polished, florid speaker. Miller was hired by Lewandowski from the office of Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions, one of the most conservative and nativist members of the U.S. Senate. Sessions, who famously donned a Make America Great Again hat at Trump rally in Mobile back in August 2015, is still the only sitting senator to endorse Trump — which he did in February, a couple weeks after Miller jumped ship.In the Senate, Sessions was often Trump before Trump was Trump. He was an early advocate of a bigger, better, taller border fence. He has spoken for years about “Islamic extremism.” In 2009, as the ranking Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee, he went after Sonya Sotomayor during her Supreme Court nomination hearings with a line of attack that now sounds familiar. “You have evidenced, I think it’s quite clear, a philosophy of the law that suggests that the judge’s background and experiences can and should — even should and naturally will impact their decision,” Sessions said, adding that it was antithetical “to the American ideal.”In 2014, in Sessions’ single most influential act, he helped kill the bipartisan Senate deal on comprehensive immigration reform in the House. His office distributed a handbook full of figures, suggested responses to dissenters and the press, and roof-raising rhetoric. (“Donors don’t win elections; voters win elections. And the voters need our help.”) The handbook was written by Stephen Miller.“We had been working on the ideas in it for months, and Stephen put it in the handbook in a very quick time in a very cogent fashion,” Sessions told me. “It was very timely and it impacted the outcome of the vote.” Miller was also at Sessions’ side as his communications guru through some of his most notable battles, including the Sotomayor hearing. “I just routinely never went to the microphone outside the hearing before talking to him about what the issue was,” Sessions says.Outside of the Sessions office, Miller became infamous. He spammed reporters’ inboxes with what they called “stream-of-consciousness press releases” at all hours.Miller quickly rose through the ranks of the Senate office to become the Senator’s chief of communications. Those who worked with them say Sessions and Miller had a “mind meld.” Within a short period of time, Miller mastered Sessions’ voice. “It’s very rare that you’ll find a Senate staffer that can capture their member’s voice,” says Rick Dearborn, who is still Sessions’ chief of staff. “But Stephen listened and was able to capture his voice. He was able to anticipate what he needed for an interview or a speech.” The Senator and Miller were often in different buildings, but Peacock, who worked in Sessions’ office with Miller, says that being around Miller was “like having the Senator right there.” “The two of them just really connect, in their worldview especially,” says Garrett Murch, who still works for Sessions. “No!” shouts the crowd. Miller closes his eyes and shakes his head.“They say, oh, well, we’re going to bring back our manufacturing jobs, but do those jobs ever come back?”“No!”“They say they’re going to clean up D.C. and kick out the special interests. Do the special interests ever go?”“No!”Miller’s speeches have also gathered quite a following. Videos of them get tens of thousands of views, and Tucker Carlson’s Daily Caller sometimes adds transcripts of them along with the video. Miller is loquacious, well-spoken, intelligent, say his friends and colleagues. He is convincing. He even has two converts under his belt: his parents are now conservative Republicans, active donors in California GOP circles. I asked Miller what it feels like to give one of these speeches, to feel the energy of the crowd. “Donald Trump has said that he’s leading a movement, and that’s what I feel, that movement, that incredible energy that comes from being part of that movement,” he said. “I’m feeling the same sense of excitement as the people in the audience are about this movement. And frankly, what makes a warm-up speech work is that my enthusiasm and their enthusiasm are equal. So all of us feel at this juncture in history the potential of a fundamental change. It’s a feeling of excitement that comes from knowing that you’re part of something really special.” Miller is providing the intellectual architecture for an insurgency against the Republican party.To the people who worked with him then, it’s no surprise that Miller ended up on the Trump campaign. “Whether the issue was trade or immigration or radical Islam, for many years before Donald Trump came on the scene, Senator Sessions was the leader of the movement and Stephen was his right-hand man,” says Steve Bannon, who is now CEO of Breitbart. To Bannon and advocates of slowing down both legal and illegal immigration, Sessions’ work to kill immigration reform in 2014 was akin “to the civil rights movement in the 1960s,” Bannon told me. “It’s only happened a few times in American politics, and Sessions did it with a cadre of talented staff.”Sessions and Miller were the radical vanguard of a cause that, in the year of Trump, has grown into something bigger. “When I was in Sessions’ office, this movement for nation-state populism, the intellectual framework for that was being formed,” Miller told me. “A big part of my day was being in touch with the people who were the key players in that.” He would send information blasts to a list of a couple hundred Hill staffers with data on the negative impact on immigration on wages, national security, and on what Miller refers to as “criminal aliens.” “We saw ourselves as a kind of think tank for immigration issues and linking that to the larger questions of globalism and populism,” Miller says of that time.“You could not get where we are today with this movement if it didn’t have a center of gravity that was intellectually coherent,” says Bannon. “And I think a ton of that was done by Senator Sessions’ staff, and Stephen Miller was at the cutting edge of that.” Says Carlson: “Miller is providing the intellectual architecture for an insurgency against the Republican party.”Even before Miller left Sessions’ office to work for Trump, and before Sessions endorsed him, there was a lot of overlap between the office and the campaign. “In my own personal time, I first got involved in forming relationships in June after they announced,” Miller says. “I was in touch with people inside campaign as early as then. Publicly, this played out as Senator Sessions’ early support for the campaign.” Miller talked a lot to his friend, conservative political operative Sam Nunberg, who was then an advisor to Trump. “On his free time, not in any official capacity,” Nunberg clarifies. “They were a resource for us.” Though Miller and Sessions helped the Trump campaign formulate its immigration and trade policies, and despite Sessions’ now-frequent phone calls with Trump, Nunberg took pains to explain that it wasn’t a question of one influencing the other. “This is where Mr. Trump’s head was at,” Nunberg says. “The premise that you can influence him, good luck with that.”But the synergy is unmistakable. Sessions first reached out to Trump more than a decade ago, in 2005, when he heard him criticize the $1.2 billion renovation of the U.N. headquarters. Trump said he could have done it more cheaply, and Sessions had him come down to Washington to testify on the Hill. Since he became the first Senator to endorse Trump, there have been rumors that he is a contender for Trump’s vice president. He has become the chairman of Trump’s national security advisory committee, and helped craft Trump’s foreign policy speech — with Miller’s aid. When, in the wake of the Orlando shooting, Trump was roundly criticized for his proposal to ban immigration “from areas of the world when there is a proven history of terrorism against the United States,” Sessions did the rounds of the Sunday morning talk shows to explain. “The public data that we have indicate there are quite a number of countries in that region that have sent a large number of people that have become terrorists,” Sessions told Jake Tapper. He said Trump simply wanted to “slow down” the flow from places with “a toxic ideology.” (“I have tremendous respect for Senator Sessions. He is a terrific person, a great leader, and I am so grateful for his support,” Trump told Newsweek.) In Las Vegas that June night, Miller ended the speech at a fever pitch. “And to the question I have for all of you,” he began his crescendo, “I want you to shout so loud, so that everyone who betrayed you, everyone who let you down, everybody who betrayed families like the Kate Steinle family … everybody who ignored your cries and pleas for help. I want you to shout so loud that it quivers the conference tables in Washington, D.C.”A dramatic pause. A wag of the finger.“Are you prepared, folks, to elect as president a man who will put America first, last, and always!” He too is shouting now, jabbing with his finger, bouncing in his knees, his face beatific with righteous anger. His eyes are finally smiling. “Are you prepared to elect Donald J. Trump as president of these United States! Are you prepared to take back your country!” The crowd is whistling, screaming. “Are you prepared for real change on behalf of America! God bless all of you, god bless this state, and God! Bless! The United! States! Of America! Thank you!”And with that, Miller spins around on his heels, turning his back to the ecstatic crowd. He flashes a peace sign, and disappears into the darkness.Julia Ioffe is contributing writer at POLITICO Magazine. Also On POLITICO Can Trump repeat the Brexit miracle? By Eli Stokols Clinton campaign blasts Trump’s ‘reckless, egomaniac’ Brexit response By Nick Gass and Daniel Strauss Trump fundraises off Brexit By Nolan D. McCaskill Vladimir Putin denies calling Donald Trump ‘brilliant’ By David Cohen